ABUJA,
Nigeria — Intelligence agents from all over the globe have poured into
this city, Nigeria’s capital, to help find the nearly 300 Nigerian
schoolgirls abducted by the Islamist extremist group Boko Haram more
than a month ago — but there has been little or no progress in bringing
the young women home.
The problem, many involved in the rescue effort say, is the failings of the Nigerian military.
There
is a view among diplomats here and with their governments at home that
the military is so poorly trained and armed, and so riddled with
corruption, that not only is it incapable of finding the girls, it is
also losing the broader fight against Boko Haram. The group has
effective control of much of the northeast of the country, as troops
withdraw from vulnerable targets to avoid a fight and stay out of the
group’s way, even as the militants slaughter civilians.
Boko
Haram’s fighters have continued to strike with impunity this week,
killing dozens of people in three villages in its regional stronghold,
but also hitting far outside its base in the central region. Car bombs
have killed well over 100, according to local press reports.
One
recent night, Boko Haram fighters ambushed a patrol that had sought to
leave Chibok, the town where the girls were kidnapped, killing 12
soldiers. The next day, when the bodies were brought to the Seventh
Division — the main army unit taking on Boko Haram — soldiers angry
about the loss of their comrades opened fire on the car carrying their
commanding officer, Maj. Gen. Ahmadu Mohammed, as he was heading to an
armory. The commander was unharmed and the soldiers were arrested.
“It’s
been our assessment for some time that they are not winning,” said one
Western diplomat in Abuja, speaking anonymously in keeping with
diplomatic protocol.
For
the moment, assistance from France, the United States, Israel and
Britain is focused on answering questions that ultimately might guide a
rescue attempt. Where exactly are the girls? Have they been split up
into groups? How heavily are they guarded?
Desperate
for clues, the United States has dispatched drones to scan the 37,000
square miles of Sambisa Forest, a scrubby semidesert tangle of low trees
and bushes in the corner of northeastern Nigeria where the girls are
believed to be held.
“You
have a lot of guys in town right now,” said the diplomat, referring to
foreign intelligence and security personnel. But, he added, “A lot of
this is assessment, and this is a pretty steep learning curve.” And one
senior diplomat offered a sober picture of the prospect, for now:
“Realistically I don’t think we’ve seen anything to indicate that we are
on the verge of a huge breakthrough.”
That
the hopes of many across the globe rests on such a weak reed as the
Nigerian military has left diplomats here in something of a quandary
about the way forward. The Nigerian armed forces must be helped, they
say, but are those forces so enfeebled that any assistance can only be
of limited value? “Now it’s a situation where the emperor has no
clothes, and everybody is scratching their heads,” another diplomat here
said.
Military
officials in the northeast, Boko Haram’s stronghold, insisted that
patrols are already underway in the Sambisa Forest, and that 10 days ago
one even came close to where some of the girls were being held. It was
attacked by Boko Haram, these officials said, and two officers were
killed.
But
the military presence on some of the region’s most dangerous roads is
light, with only a handful of checkpoints in places where villages have
been attacked repeatedly and the burned-out shells of buildings are much
in evidence. Sometimes, the soldiers manning the checkpoints are not
even wearing protective gear.
Diplomats
here in the capital expressed serious reservations about the likelihood
that any military operation would return the young women safely. “We’re
concerned that a kinetic action” — meaning an armed intervention —
“would result in deaths,” a senior diplomat here said. “What are the
good potential outcomes? It’s not going to be easy or quick.”
Instead,
the government may have its best shot with a negotiated settlement with
the Islamists, possibly including a prisoner release, said a military
officer in the region. Nigerian officials have hinted of a deal as well,
though President Goodluck Jonathan has publicly ruled out a deal.
Some
other diplomats here were more pessimistic, saying it was unlikely that
all of the victims would be saved. Already, in the region and in the
capital of Borno State, Maiduguri, 80 miles from Chibok, there are some
credible accounts suggesting that some of the girls may already have
been killed. “I think it’s going to be a slow burn,” one diplomat said.
Adding
to the diplomats’ worry is a sense that officials in Mr. Jonathan’s
administration are dangerously out of touch with the realities of a
vicious insurgency that for years had been minimized in the distant
capital, until the abductions made that impossible.
Last
fall Boko Haram rampaged around the town of Benisheik for 10 hours
before the army even arrived. When it was over, about 150 people were
dead. In February, when Boko Haram struck a college in Yobe State, in
the northeast, it was unguarded by soldiers and a nearby military post
was unstaffed, even though it had been attacked in the past.
Still, Mr. Jonathan’s aides were looking to the group to simply free the young women.
“I
have reason to believe Boko Haram will see reason and let these girls
go,” said Oronto Douglas, special adviser on strategy to Mr. Jonathan,
in an interview this week. “I think they will have a conscience to let
these girls go.”
Mr.
Douglas also suggested the recent Boko Haram video showing some of the
kidnapped girls may actually show another group of young women — even
though parents have identified many of their own daughters on the video.
Other
officials here, stung by Washington’s criticism of the military, have
looked to place blame elsewhere. They defensively point to the United
States’ withdrawal from Afghanistan, saying that Nigeria is not the only
country that has had difficulty with an Islamist insurgency. Terrorism
is a global scourge, and “No one person, agency, or country can stamp
out terror,” said Sarkin-Yaki Bello, a retired major general and one of
the country’s leading counterterrorism officials.
Yet
few outside the president’s close circle accept such explanations.
Daily antigovernment demonstrations and increasingly critical news media
coverage point to widespread anger at the government.
“Now
we know the army doesn’t function,” said Jibrin Ibrahim, one of the
country’s leading political scientists. “Many people are getting alarmed
and frightened.”
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